The damage done by single-member districting (the pain, the pain of it all)
St. Petersburg Times
Americans have been asking how the House of Representatives
thinks it can get away with impeaching President Clinton when
public opinion strongly opposes it.
"Why are they not listening to the people of the United States?" one
caller wanted to know.
It's because they don't have to.
Congress doesn't represent the people. It doesn't even represent
districts. It represents the dominant factions in its districts, and the rest
be damned.
Single-member districting is the root of this problem. Gerrymandering
and unlimited campaign spending, a monstrous advantage for
incumbents, have made it worse.
Tens of millions of Americans have no chance to ever be represented
by the people of their choice. Millions more have been
overconcentrated, under the guise of upholding "voting rights," into
electoral ghettoes where they are sure to elect African-Americans or
Hispanics like them, but where they are invisible and irrelevant to the
lawmakers who represent the "bleached" constituencies next door.
On Nov. 3, the Republicans won 51 percent of the seats in the House
with only 48.8 percent of the votes actually cast in contested races.
The Democrats won 48.5 percent of the House with 49 percent of the
vote. Libertarians, the Reform Party and others wound up with the
grand total of one seat -- independent Bernie Sanders of Vermont --
despite having polled 2-million votes, the equivalent of 10 congressional
districts, nationwide.
The Democrats might have won control of the House if they hadn't
decisively lost the battle of uncontested seats, 29 to 18.
Where the Republicans own most of their seats is significant. Not
where pro-Clinton opinion is strongest, but in the South and the
mountain West, where moderate Republicans are as unwelcome as the
IRS and where the Republican right, a faction within a faction, controls
the primaries.
The reverse is often true in Democratic states, creating a Congress
whose members are more extreme, more polarized and more hostile to
compromise than the nation they represent. The House Judiciary
Committee is a pungent example.
An analysis by Ronald Brownstein of the Los Angeles Times pointed
up last week how the Southern wing was driving Clinton's
impeachment. While some moderates from pro-Clinton regions
privately preferred censure, he wrote, "they lack the numbers and
influence to force the party's dominant conservative wing to provide
that option." Yet if there is a voter backlash, he noted, it will be the
moderates who don't return in 2001.
It would be poetic justice if that cost the GOP its House majority, but it
would be bad for the country.
George Washington's famous farewell echoes true: "Let me now . . .
warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the
spirit of party."
The Constitution doesn't mention parties. It doesn't mention
single-member districts either, although federal law now requires them.
The law should be changed to permit the states to experiment with
proportional representation in Congress.
Single-member districting was better than at-large systems where the
dominant party took all seats at once. But without proportional voting, it
can still take them all piecemeal. Winner-take-all is for sports, not
self-government.
Quebec's recent election offers fair warning. The secessionist Parti
Quebecois won 60 percent of the seats in the provincial legislature
despite polling fewer votes than the Liberals. Its single-member
districts could not have been redrawn to prevent that because of the
heavy concentration of Liberal voters at Montreal.
The United States has its own extreme examples. Democratic
candidates got one third of Oklahoma's congressional votes but none of
its six seats because Democratic voters were dispersed throughout the
state. In Texas, on the other hand, the Republicans won only 13 of the
29 seats though they had 51.5 percent of the votes. But among those
19 were three of the leaders of the Clinton lynch mob: Bill Archer,
Tom DeLay and Dick Armey, whose districts are so stacked in their
favor that only DeLay had a Democratic opponent. They can afford to
thumb their noses at public opinion elsewhere.
As usual, most races nationwide were over before they began. The
Center for Voting and Democracy, which promotes proportional
representation, accurately predicted 358 of 361 winners more than a
year before the 1998 election. The average victory margin was the
highest this decade: a 43-point spread. Only 43 seats -- out of 435 --
were won with less than a 10-point spread.
Some 10.1-million Democrats voted for losers, as against only
8.5-million Republicans; both groups have no one speaking for them in
Congress. That doesn't count 47 districts where incumbents were
effectively unopposed. Florida was the nation's sorriest undemocratic
example in that regard; 15 of our 23 incumbents weren't even on the
ballot, and a 16th had only a feeble write-in opponent. That was more
than a third of all the uncontested seats nationwide.
The great mass of Floridians lost their right to vote because of the way
the Legislature and the courts drew the lines -- first to favor
incumbents and later to create "safe" minority seats with safe
Republican seats as the other part of the bargain.
This is what Lani Guinier, an advocate of proportional voting, decried
as the "triumph of tokenism." Having nominated her to head the Civil
Rights Division, Clinton abandoned her in the face of false charges that
she was a "quota queen."
Does it occur to him now that she was right?
December 20, 1998
Martin Dyckman
On Nov. 3, the Republicans won 51 percent of the seats in the House
with only 48.8 percent of the votes actually cast in contested races.
The Democrats won 48.5 percent of the House with 49 percent of the
vote. Libertarians, the Reform Party and others wound up with the
grand total of one seat -- independent Bernie Sanders of Vermont --
despite having polled 2-million votes, the equivalent of 10 congressional
districts, nationwide. What was the percentage of people who voted for the impeached president? Congress doesn't represent the people. It doesn't even represent
districts. It represents the dominant factions in its districts, and the rest
be damned. No, Mr. Dyckman....let them VOTE!......and we're not going to have any of this estimating the population either.
Cincinatus' wife