Throughout the six months since Sept. 11, Americans, who have a
sociological itch and a psychoanalytic bent, have examined themselves for
signs that, as was said immediately after the attacks, "everything has
changed." Actually, almost everything is almost always very much as it was
six months earlier. But since the attacks, there have been some welcome
changes, manifested in many things, from rhetoric to music to manners to
reading.
President Bush's rhetorical style -- syntactical minimalism: Midland,
Tex., meets MBA-speak -- is what it was before Sept. 11, but it suits the
new sobriety. Were Bush to attempt the Ciceronian flourishes of John
Kennedy ("Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms,
though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are . .
.") it would be like Handel played on a harmonica. Bush's terseness is
Ernest Hemingway seasoned by John Wesley.
His promiscuous use of the word "evil" is partly an unself-conscious
expression of his religiosity. But he also uses "evil" for a policy
purpose similar to Ronald Reagan's in calling the Soviet Union the "evil
empire" and "the focus of evil in the modern world."
Reagan intended to re-moralize foreign policy, which had been
de-moralized by detente, which Reagan believed had demoralized Americans.
Bush understands that the heat from burning jet fuel made the national
mind akin to hot wax -- malleable. Gone is the judgment that
"judgmentalism" is intolerant, hence intolerable. Gone, too, is the
intelligentsia's consensus that the only absolute is relativism -- the
doctrine that all values are mere "social constructs," hence equally
arbitrary and evanescent. Since Sept. 11, America's mind is no longer so
open that everything of value falls out.
Soon after Sept. 11, Wal-Mart's shelves held Little Patriots Diapers,
spangled with little blue stars. Americans are not only virtuosos of
marketing, they are famously patriotic. Nationalistic, too. Patriotism is
love of one's country; nationalism is the assertion of national
superiority. Nationalism is the rejection of cultural relativism, the
basis of "multiculturalism." Hence nationalism is anathema to the avant
garde.
It is axiomatic that everything changes except the avant garde, which
in America is frozen in an adversarial pose toward the nation beyond the
campus gates. But who cares? It has been 40 years since the Kennedy
administration was stocked with academics chattering about a confluence of
the Charles and Potomac rivers. Sept. 11 sealed the self-marginalization
of the adversarial academy.
The world has moved onward and, for now, upward, as Terry Teachout, the
distinguished music critic, discovered in an epiphany at a Manhattan
McDonald's. There a radio was playing music, and the music was neither
rock nor rap. It was Diana Krall, the jazz singer, elegantly rendering
"The Look of Love."
"Beauty," Teachout wrote in early January, "is becoming fashionable
again." Which means it has become mentionable again. The idea of beauty
was another casualty of the silly socialization -- "Everything is
relative" -- of the idea of relativity in physics. Beauty, like truth, was
declared "relative," meaning "socially conditioned" and a matter of
opinion. Then, says Teachout, came Sept. 11's brutal reminder "that some
things aren't a matter of opinion."
When Teachout wrote that, Krall's "The Look of Love" was eighth on
Amazon.com's list of best-selling CDs. Two months later it is still high
on the list, at 15th. It includes such standards as "S'Wonderful," "Cry Me
a River" and "I Get Along Without You Very Well."
Are standards out of date? Certainly. They always are out of date.
That, says playwright Alan Bennett, is why we call them standards.
Chippendale-style furniture, crystal chandeliers and the wearing of
suits on no-longer-quite-so-casual-Fridays are back in fashion. To the
lingering 1960s sensibility, formality, decorousness and etiquette seemed
authoritarian. Since Sept. 11 they seem respectful and reassuring.
The New York Times bestseller list includes two hefty biographies of
dead white males, David McCullough's "John Adams," already a bestseller
before Sept. 11, and Edmund Morris's study of Teddy Roosevelt, "Theodore
Rex." Perhaps Sept. 11 strengthened the public's immunity to the theory of
many academic historians ("history from the bottom up" or "history with
politics left out") that any biography -- other than of, say, a midwife in
14th-century Barcelona -- is reactionary because it suggests that some
people matter more than others in the human story.
These have been six difficult months for diversity-mongers who preach
that America is a mere "mosaic" -- coagulated groups rather than united
individuals. And difficult months for the "everything is just a matter of
opinion" chorus. These have been good months.