ONDON -- They told us it would be a long, ugly struggle,
and so it is. America's war against terror has entered its second
phase, a phase characterized by the storm over the status and human
rights of the prisoners held at Camp X-Ray and by the frustrating
failure of the United States to find Osama bin Laden and Mullah
Omar. Additionally, if America now attacks other countries suspected
of harboring terrorists it will almost certainly do so alone. In
spite of the military successes, America finds itself facing a
broader ideological adversary that may turn out to be as hard to
defeat as militant Islam: anti-Americanism, which is presently
becoming more evident everywhere.
The good news is that these post- Taliban days are bad times for
Islamist fanatics. Dead or alive, Osama bin Laden and Mullah Omar
look like yesterday's men, unholy warriors who forced martyrdom on
others while running for the hills themselves. Also, if the
persistent rumors are to be believed, the fall of the terrorist axis
in Afghanistan may well have prevented an Islamist coup against
President Pervez Musharraf in Pakistan, led by the more Taliban-like
elements in the armed forces and intelligence services — people like
the terrifying General Hamid Gul. And President Musharraf, no angel
himself, has been pushed into arresting the leaders of the Kashmiri
terrorist groups he used to encourage.
Around the world, the lessons of the American action in
Afghanistan are being learned. Jihad is no longer quite as cool an
idea as it was last fall.
States under suspicion of giving succor to terrorism have
suddenly been trying to make nice, even going so far as to round up
a few bad guys. Iran has accepted the legitimacy of the new Afghan
government. Even Britain, a state which has been more tolerant of
Islamist fanaticism than most, is beginning to distinguish between
resisting "Islamophobia" and providing a safe haven for some of the
worst people in the world.
America did, in Afghanistan, what had to be done, and did it
well. The bad news, however, is that these successes have not won
new friends for the United States outside Afghanistan. In fact, the
effectiveness of the American campaign may have made some parts of
the world hate America more than they did before. Critics of the
Afghan campaign in the West are enraged because they have been shown
to be wrong at every step: no, American forces weren't humiliated
the way the Russians had been; and yes, the air strikes did work;
and no, the Northern Alliance didn't massacre people in Kabul; and
yes, the Taliban did crumble away like the hated tyrants they were,
even in their southern strongholds; and no, it wasn't that difficult
to get the militants out of their cave fortresses; and yes, the
various factions succeeded in putting together a new government that
seems to have broad support among the people.
Meanwhile, those elements in the Arab and Muslim world who blame
America for their own feelings of political impotence are feeling
more impotent than ever. As always, anti- American radicalism feeds
off widespread anger over the plight of the Palestinians, and it
remains true that nothing would undermine the fanatics' propaganda
more completely than an acceptable settlement in the Middle
East.
However, even if that settlement were arrived at tomorrow, anti-
Americanism would probably not abate. It has become too useful a
smokescreen for Muslim nations' many defects — their corruption,
their incompetence, their oppression of their citizens, their
economic, scientific and cultural stagnation. America-hating has
become a badge of identity, making possible a chest- beating,
flag-burning rhetoric of word and deed that makes men feel good. It
contains a strong streak of hypocrisy, hating most what it desires
most, and elements of self- loathing. ("We hate America because it
has made of itself what we cannot make of ourselves.") What America
is accused of — closed- mindedness, stereotyping, ignorance — is
also what its accusers would see if they looked into a mirror.
These days there seem to be as many of these accusers outside the
Muslim world as inside it. Anybody who has visited Britain and
Europe, or followed the public conversation there during the past
five months, will have been struck, even shocked, by the depth of
anti-American feeling among large segments of the population.
Western anti-Americanism is an altogether more petulant phenomenon
than its Islamic counterpart and far more personalized. Muslim
countries don't like America's power, its "arrogance," its success;
but in the non-American West, the main objection seems to be to
American people. Night after night, I have found myself listening to
Londoners' diatribes against the sheer weirdness of the American
citizenry. The attacks on America are routinely discounted.
("Americans only care about their own dead.") American patriotism,
obesity, emotionality, self-centeredness: these are the crucial
issues.
It would be easy for America, in the present climate of
hostility, to fail to respond to constructive criticism, or worse:
to start acting like the overwhelming superpower it is, making
decisions and throwing its weight around without regard for the
concerns of what it perceives as an already hostile world. The
treatment of the Camp X-Ray detainees is a worrying sign. Secretary
of State Colin Powell's reported desire to determine whether, under
the Geneva Convention, these persons should be considered prisoners
of war was a statesmanlike response to global pressure — but Mr.
Powell has apparently failed to persuade President Bush and Donald
Rumsfeld.
The Bush administration has come a long way from its
treaty-smashing beginnings. It should not abandon consensus-building
now. Great power and great wealth are perhaps never popular, yet,
more than ever, we need the United States to exercise its power and
economic might responsibly. This is not the time to ignore the rest
of the world and decide to go it alone. To do so would be to risk
losing after you've won.
Salman Rushdie is the author of ``Fury: A Novel'' and the
forthcoming essay collection ``Step Across This
Line.''